DREAM Act will cost an estimated $6.2 Billion

Not only will the DREAM Act be a fiscal nightmare by creating unfunded mandates on the States, it will greatly diminish opportunies of higher education for many U.S. students, and further strain the resources of the already strained finances of public institutions -- all on the backs and out of the pockets of legal U.S. citizens.

From PR Newswire --

A new report from the Center for Immigration Studies examines the costs and likely impact of the DREAM Act currently being considered by Congress.  The act offers permanent legal status to illegal immigrants up to age 35, who arrived in the United States before age 16, provided they complete two years of college. Under the act, beneficiaries would receive in-state tuition.  

Given the low income of illegal immigrants, most can be expected to attend state schools, with a cost to taxpayers in the billions of dollars.  As both funds and slots are limited at state universities and community colleges, the act may reduce the educational opportunities available to U.S. citizens.  

The Memorandum is available online at http://cis.org/dream-act-costs. Among the findings:

• Assuming no fraud, we conservatively estimate that 1.03 million illegal immigrants will eventually enroll in public institutions (state universities or community colleges) as a result of the DREAM Act.  That is, they met the residence and age requirements of the act, have graduated high school, or will do so, and will come forward.
• On average each illegal immigrant who attends a public institution will receive a tuition subsidy from taxpayers of nearly $6,000 for each year he or she attends for total cost of $6.2 billion a year, not including other forms of financial assistance that they may also receive.
• The above estimate is for the number who will enroll in public institutions.  A large share of those who attend college may not complete the two full years necessary to receive permanent residence.  
• The cost estimate assumes that the overwhelming majority will enroll in community colleges, which are much cheaper for students and taxpayers than state universities.
• The estimate is only for new students not yet enrolled.   It does not include illegal immigrants currently enrolled at public institutions or those who have already completed two years of college.  Moreover, it does not include the modest number of illegal immigrants who are expected to attend private institutions.
• The DREAM Act does not provide funding to states and counties to cover the costs it imposes.  Since enrollment and funding are limited at public institutions, the act's passage will require some combination of tuition increases, tax increases to expand enrollment or a reduction in spaces available for American citizens at these schools.  
• Tuition hikes will be particular difficult for students, as many Americans already find it difficult to pay for college.  Research indicates that one out of three college students drop out before receiving a degree.  Costs are a major reason for the high dropout rate.  
• In 2009 there were 10.2 million U.S. citizens under age 35 who have dropped out of college without receiving a degree.  There was an additional 15.2 million citizens under age 35 who have completed high school, but have never attended college.  
• Lawmakers need to consider the strains the DREAM Act will create and the impact of adding one roughly million students to state universities and community colleges on the educational opportunities available to American citizens.  
• Providing state schools with added financial support to offset the costs of the DREAM Act would avoid the fiscal costs at the state and local level, but it would shift the costs to federal taxpayer.  
• Advocates of the DREAM Act argue that it will significantly increase tax revenue, because with a college education, recipients will earn more and pay more in taxes over their lifetime.  However, several factors need to be considered when evaluating this argument:  

• • Any hoped-for tax benefit is in the long-term, and will not help public institutions deal with the large influx of new students the act creates in the short-term.
  
  
  • Given limited spaces at public institutions, there will almost certainly be some crowding out of U.S. citizens - reducing their lifetime earnings and tax payments.  
  
  
  • The DREAM Act only requires two years of college, no degree is necessary.   The income gains for having some college, but no degree, are modest.  
  
  
  • Because college dropout rates are high, many illegal immigrants who enroll at public institutions will not complete the two years the act requires, so taxpayers will bear the expense without a long term benefit.  

Data Source:  The analysis in this report is based on one developed by the Migration Policy Institute, which is based on the 2006 to 2008 Current Population Survey (CPS) collected by the U.S. Census Bureau.  We have updated their analysis using the 2009 and 2010 CPS.   The above estimates focus on the number of illegal immigrants likely to enroll in state universities or community college.  It must be emphasized that it is not an estimate of the number of individuals who are eligible for the DREAM Act amnesty or the number that will ultimately meet all the requirements for permanent residence.

The Center for Immigration Studies is an independent non-partisan research institution that examines the impact of immigration on the United States.

Another Chance to Kill the Food Bill

From the Medina Tea Party Patriots --

The House Ways and Means Committee might be the last chance we have to kill the food bill passed by the Senate Tuesday morning.

According to the Constitution, all bills generating revenue (taxes) have to originate out of the House of Representatives. Sec. 107 of the Food Safety Modernization Act includes taxes (i.e. raising revenue), and the bill originated in the Senate, NOT the House. You can read about the Senate’s error by visiting: http://www.rollcall.com/news/-201012-1.html.

While there are no members of the Ways and Means Committee from Ohio, we urge you to contact several of them and ask them to support the "blue slip" procedure to be invoked concerning S. 510. Here is a list of the Ways and Means Committee members: http://waysandmeans.house.gov/singlepages.aspx?newsid=10462

If the “blue slip” procedure is invoked, the Senate will most likely not have enough time to redo the bill, before the end of the lame duck session. This might be our last chance to kill this bill.

Representative-Elect Bill Johnson (OH-6) already doing Ohio Proud!

Before even being sworn in, Representative-Elect Bill Johnson (OH-6), by declining his Congressional Health Care benefits, immediately sets the stage for a new day and a new way in D.C. by jumping in with action and not empty political speech.

From the Marietta Ohio 9.12 Project --

REPRESENTATIVE-ELECT BILL JOHNSON DECLINES CONGRESSIONAL HEALTH CARE BENEFITS

Says Congress should focus on patient-based, market-driven solutions.

Bill Johnson is a Congressional Candidate that the Marietta OH 9-12 Project and many other TEA Parties in the Ohio 6th District worked to elect last month. He is demonstrating the kind of character that TEA Party Candidates are bringing to Washington. We can only hope that others in Congress follow his lead.

Poland, OH -- Representative-elect Bill Johnson has announced his decision to turn down Congressional health care benefits as he enters the House of Representatives.

The decision, Johnson says, is based on his belief that members of Congress shouldn't have access to premium health care benefits when millions of Americans are struggling just to make ends meet.

"Lincoln famously put forth the notion that government should be of the people, by the people and for the people," Johnson said.  "This is one substantial way I can show that my commitment to the people of Eastern and Southern Ohio is to help them, not to gain exclusive benefits for myself."

Johnson said Congress must focus on repealing Obama Health Care and instead adopt patient-based, market-driven health care solutions.

"I oppose ObamaCare because government-controlled health care will create more debt and huge bureaucracy," Johnson said.  "We need to reverse the government takeover of our health care, and we should adopt common sense, patient-centered, private sector solutions like making health care portable from job to job and state to state, tort reform, and promoting health savings accounts."

In addition to declining Congressional health care, Representative-elect Johnson will turn down the government 401K program and the associated matching portion that is paid for by taxpayers.

Bill Johnson will represent Ohio's Sixth Congressional District, which includes all or parts of 12 counties along the Ohio River in Eastern and Southern Ohio.  He lives in Poland with his wife LeeAnn and son Nathan.

Rep. Rob Bishop (UT-01) introduces the Repeal Amendment

From Rep. Rob Bishop --

Congressman Rob Bishop (UT-01), Co-Chair of the 10^th Amendment Task Force, today introduced a proposed amendment to the U.S. Constitution known as the Repeal Amendment, which would provide States with the authority to repeal any federal law, regulation, tax, or unfunded mandate if two-thirds of the States are in agreement. The Repeal Amendment would provide a targeted way to reverse particular congressional acts and administrative regulations the public opposes.

“Recent history has shown that American liberties are threatened when there is an imbalance of power between the federal and state governments.  The Repeal Amendment will provide citizens, through their elected state representatives, with a powerful tool to check an overzealous and power-hungry federal government,” said Congressman Bishop. 

The U.S. Constitution, as drafted by the Founders, designed a system that created a balance of power between state and national government.  That original balance has eroded as the federal government has accumulated more and more power in Washington.  The Repeal Amendment will help restore the spirit of the Tenth Amendment by strengthening the ability of States to protect those powers “reserved to states”—as outlined in the Bill of Rights.

“I’m proud to sponsor the Repeal Amendment in Congress because it is a simple, transparent tool that can help restore balance and reduce the concentration of power in Washington,” Bishop added. “While the Repeal Amendment will not immediately turn the tide of a power-hungry, overreaching national government, it is an arrow in the quiver of states and a solid first step that can be taken to begin restoring the balance of power our Founding Fathers intended when they drafted the Constitution.”

Liberty Counsel’s Healthcare Lawsuit on Fast-Track to Court of Appeals

From Liberty Counsel --

Lynchburg, VA – Liberty University’s challenge to the healthcare law will now be heard by the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals following today’s ruling by District Court Judge Norman Moon. Judge Moon found that Liberty University and two individual plaintiffs had standing to assert their constitutional claims against the individual and employer mandates in the healthcare law and that their claims were ripe for consideration. Judge Moon also held that the Anti-Injunction Act, which prohibits taxpayers from trying to enjoin the collection of taxes, does not bar the claims. He then ruled on the merits of the substantive claims, finding that Congress acted within its authority under the Commerce Clause when it enacted the mandates in the healthcare law.

That dismissal on the merits tees up the Commerce Clause challenge, along with other constitutional challenges based upon the First Amendment and a challenge under the federal Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA), for an immediate appeal to the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals in Richmond, Virginia. Liberty Counsel, which represents the plaintiffs in the suit, will be filing the appeal immediately. This will bring to the forefront the core constitutional issue in the case–whether Congress’ power under the Commerce Clause includes mandating that individuals and employers be compelled to purchase government approved health insurance under threat of monetary penalty.

Judge Moon’s ruling on the Commerce Clause claim contradicts decisions from courts in Richmond, Virginia, and Pensacola, Florida, which have denied similar motions to dismiss lawsuits against the healthcare bill. Those cases were not dismissed and are still pending in the district courts. The ruling by Judge Moon now allows Liberty University’s law suit to be the first case to reach the court of appeals on the substantive law issue.

Mathew D. Staver, Founder of Liberty Counsel and Dean of Liberty University School of Law said: “I am confident that the federal healthcare law will eventually be struck down on appeal because it is unconstitutional. Congress does not have the authority to force every American to purchase a particular kind of health insurance product. I am pleased the federal court found that Liberty University and the private plaintiffs have standing to pursue this claim. The court’s ruling on the merits of the Commerce Clause, while wrong now, puts the case on a fast track to the federal court of appeals. This ruling will expedite a final resolution of the case.”

Comments from Middleburg Hts Mayor Gary Starr & County Council-elect Dave Greenspan on proposed Sewer Rate Increase (Video)

Comments from the NEORSD, Middleburg Hts Mayor Gary Starr & County Council-elec Dave Greenspan after he NEORSD public meeting on the $3 Billion Clean Lake Project.... (H/T NotAtypicalPatriot)

Is the DISCLOSE Act sneaking up in Lame Duck Congress?

From Center for Competitive Politics --

Lobbying organizations dedicated to curbing political speech rights today renewed an effort to convince Senators to vote for a third time on a modified version of the DISCLOSE Act, a misguided campaign finance bill.

It's unclear if the Senate will vote on the DISCLOSE Act again in the already packed post-election session, but the updated version would reportedly strip out provisions of the bill that explicitly ban political advocacy.

"For months, self-styled reformers claimed that the DISCLOSE Act was simply about disclosure. Now, forced to strip out the most explicit speech prohibitions in the bill, they disingenuously insist what remains is ‘disclosure only,'" said Center for Competitive Politics Chairman Bradley A. Smith, a former FEC Chairman. "Nonetheless, groups spanning the political spectrum—from the ACLU to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce—have blasted the bill's heavy-handed and poorly-drafted disclosure and disclaimer provisions as unconstitutional restrictions."

Assuming Senate leaders simply remove the provisions of the DISCLOSE Act banning campaign expenditures of many government contractors and U.S. subsidiaries, the remaining disclosure and disclaimer provisions still substantially restrict and deter political speech.

"In unveiling the DISCLOSE Act, Sen. Chuck Schumer touted the fact that the excessive disclosure and disclaimer requirements would deter political speech," said CCP President Sean Parnell. "Whatever cosmetic changes are being considered will not change the bill's effective suppression of the voices 'reform' lobbyists wish to mute."

The pro-regulation lobby often stresses part of the Supreme Court's opinion endorsing disclosure in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, the January decision that lifted government prohibitions on the independent political speech of advocacy groups, businesses and unions. But the Court's opinion merely reaffirmed past decisions highlighting certain benefits of disclosure. The Court has ruled in other cases that certain limits restrict the government's ability to force private, independent groups to reveal their member and donor lists, and  the broad disclosure and disclaimer scheme in the DISCLOSE Act would be constitutionally suspect.

The drawbacks to onerous disclosure have long been noted by leading campaign finance experts: "Since few aspiring censors will admit openly to their purposes, the appeal to ‘disclosure' has given them the moral authority, in public argument, that they need," prominent Democratic lawyer Bob Bauer wrote on his now-defunct blog in 2007 (Bauer now serves as White House counsel; the administration supports the bill). "This is because ‘disclosure' is a regulatory tool; it is meant to serve the government's purposes, not only or even primarily those of individual citizens in need of information... This is a large part of disclosure's work: to force outcomes, not principally to inform free voter choice."

A detailed summary of the DISCLOSE Act (and an attached memo featuring extensive point-by-point analysis) explain why remaining provisions would still undermine political speech rights:

Analysis of the 'DISCLOSE Act' (S. 3628)

Senate leaders and pro-regulation groups have reportedly called for passage of the DISCLOSE Act without § 101 and 102 of Title I, which would have banned the political speech of government contractors and U.S. subsidiaries, respectively. Major remaining provisions would restrict political speech directly and indirectly.

Coordination regulations would censor grassroots legislative advocacy and expose independent groups to frivolous complaints [Title I]

§ 103: Coordination
The DISCLOSE Act would regulate a great deal of previously-protected issue advocacy as election-related speech subject to more stringent regulation and sweeping up grassroots advocacy on legislation months before elections. Congress has no basis to order the FEC to investigate coordination so broadly. Regulating grassroots lobbying ads as coordinated communications raises constitutional problems. For example, ads asking citizens to call and tell a Senator seeking reelection to oppose filibusters would be a covered communication under DISCLOSE, yet this is the same content that gave the Supreme Court pause in its 2007 Wisconsin Right to Life opinion. Such ads are "genuine issue advocacy," not election advertising. Congress may not treat them as election-related advertising under the First Amendment. The bill would also unfairly regulate any republication of a candidate's campaign materials as a contribution to that candidate's campaign, whether or not the group actually coordinated the ad with candidate's campaign.

§ 104: Party coordination
This section would make the standard for proving coordination extremely difficult between candidates and their party committees while leaving in place a far easier standard for proving coordination between candidates and outside groups. This provision is either a covert attempt to make it easier for party lawyers to file frivolous coordination complaints against independent groups or a ham-handed attempt to even the footing between parties and upstart groups. Instead, Congress should simply remove the McCain-Feingold restrictions on party coordination to allow parties to effectively coordinate with candidates (especially considering parties must raise regulated, limited funds, there's virtually no legitimate argument that this could corrupt either parties or candidates).

Expanded definitions would radically redefine longstanding terms and burdensome disclosure and disclaimer provisions would deter political speech [Title II]

§ 201: Independent expenditures
DISCLOSE would define independent expenditures subject to reporting as including any speech that is "the functional equivalent of express advocacy," ignoring Supreme Court precedents such as Buckley v. Valeo (1976) and FEC v. Wisconsin Right to Life (2007), known as WRTL II. In that case, the Court held that to constitutionally regulate political speech, the communications must  meet both the definition of an electioneering communication (i.e., not be overly vague) and be "susceptible of no reasonable interpretation other than a call to vote for or against a particular candidate" (i.e., it could not be overly broad). The criteria that DISCLOSE would use to regulate independent expenditures is remarkably similar to the FEC's regulation at 11 C.F.R. 100.22(b), which has repeatedly been held to be unconstitutionally vague by federal courts, and is no longer enforced. The Supreme Court has allowed the regulation not only of "express advocacy," but also its functional equivalent.  However, the Court has insisted that any standard not be overly vague-it has used the term "functional equivalent" to describe non-vague standards that pass a constitutional test.  It has never suggested that the phrase "functional equivalent" itself somehow survived the vagueness concerns of Buckley

§ 202: Electioneering communications
DISCLOSE would dramatically expand the amount of regulated political speech by expanding the time frame for "electioneering communications." BCRA, which relied on extensive congressional fact-findings, defined "electioneering communications" as limited to broadcast ads run 30 days before a primary or 60 days before a general election. DISCLOSE would significantly expand this limited window to cover ads mentioning a candidate from any time starting 120 days before the general election. Congress has established no record for the proposition that ads run 120 days-four months!-before the general election are not "true issue ads." Indeed, the record of DISCLOSE includes puffy platitudes rather than any sort of factual or academic analysis.

§ 211-213: Expanded disclosure requirements
DISCLOSE would impose duplicative and vague disclosure burdens. Campaign finance law already requires the reporting of independent expenditures above $250 and contributions for the purpose of funding independent expenditures above $200. Similarly, expenditures of and contributions for electioneering communications over $1,000 must be disclosed. Furthermore, 527 organizations, regulated by the IRS, must disclose all contributions and expenditures of over $1,000.

Low disclosure thresholds threaten donors to controversial causes and grassroots groups
DISCLOSE would infringe on the rights of private association recognized by the Supreme Court in NAACP v. Alabama by threatening to disclose all donors to a group regardless of whether the donor intended to have their donation used for independent expenditures or electioneering communications. "Contributions of any size to political communications that are wholly independent of any candidate for office have not been shown to contribute to official corruption. Accordingly, disclosure of such donations serves no legitimate public purpose," the American Civil Liberties Union recently explained in a letter opposing the DISCLOSE Act. "Unfortunately, the DISCLOSE Act would wipe away such donor anonymity—most notably, that of small donors to smaller and more controversial organizations, even when those donors have nothing to do with that organization's political speech."

Disclosure of transfers exempts unions
DISCLOSE would impose draconian disclosure burdens on donations made from one organization to another, including those not made with the intent of supporting independent expenditures. However, DISCLOSE would exempt many transfers among affiliate organizations, principally benefiting labor unions.

Unequal treatment of speakers: the ‘Shotgun Sellout'
DISCLOSE includes a "NRA exemption" that removes only a handful of large, well-established 501(c)(4) organizations from certain disclosure requirements. Exempting these favored groups from the burdensome disclosure requirements creates a two-tiered system of favored and disfavored speakers, and will only serve to hinder genuine grassroots and local political movements that lack access to expensive campaign finance attorneys. This provision is likely unconstitutional.

Separate fund option unworkable
The Citizens United decision reaffirmed the right of corporations and unions to engage in independent expenditures using general treasury funds. The intent of this legislation is to circumvent that ruling.  Lacking the ability to do so directly, it tries to stifle it as much as possible with a completely unworkable "separate fund" option. The legislative language allows for corporations and unions to set up separate accounts from which to make political expenditures and heavily regulates what must be disclosed from the money transferred to that fund. If a corporation chooses to accept this alternative, it must make expenditures from only that fund-forever. The result of this provision is to force corporations, including many tax-exempt organizations, to choose between two options that have each been found unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. These groups can either disclose all members and donors, a requirement that the Court ruled was unconstitutional in NAACP v. Alabama, or restrict political spending to a "Campaign-Related Activity Account," a type of PAC and thus an impediment the Supreme Court held in Citizens United could not be constitutionally imposed on a group making independent expenditures.

§ 214: Disclaimer requirements
The DISCLOSE Act would impose disclaimer requirements on broadcast ads that would be comical were it not for the extreme burden on free speech imposed. The requirements could effectively cut in half the amount a group could say in a 30-second ad, demonstrating an extreme hostility to independent speech. [Again, large, nationally prominent 501(c)(4) groups such as the Sierra Club would be exempt].

Forced disclaimers by top donors amount to compelled speech
DISCLOSE would force a group's leader to make a "Stand By Your Ad" (SBYA) statement. Current law already requires a verbal disclaimer for independent ads. No valid informational purpose would be served by replacing this simple disclaimer with two bulky disclaimers. The disclaimers would be "so burdensome they would either drown out the intended message or discourage groups from speaking out at all," the ACLU noted. Citizens and organizations would be forced to engage in government-required speech, and a very real possibility exists that donors to organizations would be forced to state publically that they "approve" of a particular commercial when in fact they may have little interest or may even oppose the particular expenditure. This is because the bill does not limit identification of "major funders" to those who give or were solicited to support independent expenditures, but also includes persons or groups that give to an organization's general treasury.

Harsh treatment of independent groups as compared to candidates
Unlike the voluntary SBYA disclaimers for candidates (which came with the incentive of lower ad rates) created by McCain-Feingold, the SBYA disclaimers in the DISCLOSE Act would be mandatory and would likely face constitutional challenge as government dictation of a speaker's message.

DISCLOSE would hamper effective and prompt judicial review [Title IV]

§ 401: Judicial review
The judicial review rules proposed in the DISCLOSE Act fail to follow the precedent set in McCain-Feingold, which allowed for expedited review and shortened the time between the filing of a suit alleging that enforcement of the act was in violation of constitutional rights and a final judgment on the issue by the courts. Even with the expedited schedule for challenges to BCRA, many groups were forced to wait years before having their right to speak vindicated by the courts. Citizens United, of course, wished to speak during the early part of 2008, but did not get a final ruling until January of 2010, well after the opportunity to speak had expired. The lack oxpedited appeal, combined with jurisdictional requirements that make it difficult for smaller groups to challenge the Act, seem tailor-made for those seeking partisan advantage and facing potentially difficult election cycles in 2012 and beyond.

The Center for Competitive Politics is a nonpartisan, nonprofit group dedicated to protecting First Amendment political rights. CCP seeks to promote the political marketplace of ideas through research, litigation and advocacy.